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| © Susan Walsh/AP Photo House Speaker Nancy Pelosi and Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell bump elbows during an encounter in March. |
By Heather Caygle, Burgess Everett and Melanie Zanona, POLITICO
For Congress, the coronavirus pandemic changed everything — except the personality feuds that have defined the institution in the Trump era.
Instead of congressional leaders and President Donald Trump rallying to take on a virus that’s crushing the economy and killing tens of thousands of Americans, the opposite has happened. The partisan sniping and long simmering squabbles among the White House and “Big Four” — Senate leaders Mitch McConnell and Chuck Schumer, Speaker Nancy Pelosi and House Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy — are more prominent than ever.
The most recent example came Thursday. As an emergency rescue fund for small businesses ran dry, leaders on both sides dug in — extending a weeklong dispute about how to replenish the program and who was at fault for the delay.
“It is surreal to see Democratic leaders treat support for workers and small businesses as something they need to be goaded into supporting,” said McConnell, who brought the Senate in for a brief session and then promptly adjourned until Monday. “This should be above politics.”
The comment offered only a hint of the disputes between congressional leaders that are multifaceted, personal and stubborn.
While there is a legitimate policy disagreement among the parties, long-running personal quarrels among the most powerful people in Washington are also undermining relief efforts. And the idea of Congress rising above politics is laughable at the moment, even as the need for statesmanship has never been greater.
The origin of the latest clash is a game of phone tag that has left each side accusing the other of pettiness.
Democrats, now angry that Republicans began to move forward without their input, are refusing to negotiate and are dealing only with Treasury Secretary Steve Mnuchin. Republicans, in turn, are mounting an all-out assault on the Democratic Party as hostage-takers that hate small businesses.
Sidelined and forced to watch the political theater play out from their home states, some rank-and-file lawmakers in both parties are growing exasperated.
“I’m frustrated, I’m dismayed, I’m disgusted,” said Rep. Dean Phillips (D-Minn.), who beat a GOP incumbent in 2018. “And I speak for a lot of us when I say that.”
Phillips emphasized he wasn’t criticizing any one leader in particular but rather the “business-as-usual” partisanship on display as top lawmakers — and party campaign committees — blast out statements blaming the other side instead of negotiating.
Retorted Sen. John Cornyn (R-Texas), an ally of McConnell: “I know this is shocking to you, but some of it’s just posturing.”
“I don’t think we’re going to stay stuck forever,” Cornyn added. Still, he blamed Schumer and Pelosi for using an emergency as an “opportunity to spend money.”
For Congress, the coronavirus pandemic changed everything — except the personality feuds that have defined the institution in the Trump era.
Instead of congressional leaders and President Donald Trump rallying to take on a virus that’s crushing the economy and killing tens of thousands of Americans, the opposite has happened. The partisan sniping and long simmering squabbles among the White House and “Big Four” — Senate leaders Mitch McConnell and Chuck Schumer, Speaker Nancy Pelosi and House Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy — are more prominent than ever.
The most recent example came Thursday. As an emergency rescue fund for small businesses ran dry, leaders on both sides dug in — extending a weeklong dispute about how to replenish the program and who was at fault for the delay.
“It is surreal to see Democratic leaders treat support for workers and small businesses as something they need to be goaded into supporting,” said McConnell, who brought the Senate in for a brief session and then promptly adjourned until Monday. “This should be above politics.”
The comment offered only a hint of the disputes between congressional leaders that are multifaceted, personal and stubborn.
While there is a legitimate policy disagreement among the parties, long-running personal quarrels among the most powerful people in Washington are also undermining relief efforts. And the idea of Congress rising above politics is laughable at the moment, even as the need for statesmanship has never been greater.
The origin of the latest clash is a game of phone tag that has left each side accusing the other of pettiness.
Democrats, now angry that Republicans began to move forward without their input, are refusing to negotiate and are dealing only with Treasury Secretary Steve Mnuchin. Republicans, in turn, are mounting an all-out assault on the Democratic Party as hostage-takers that hate small businesses.
Sidelined and forced to watch the political theater play out from their home states, some rank-and-file lawmakers in both parties are growing exasperated.
“I’m frustrated, I’m dismayed, I’m disgusted,” said Rep. Dean Phillips (D-Minn.), who beat a GOP incumbent in 2018. “And I speak for a lot of us when I say that.”
Phillips emphasized he wasn’t criticizing any one leader in particular but rather the “business-as-usual” partisanship on display as top lawmakers — and party campaign committees — blast out statements blaming the other side instead of negotiating.
Retorted Sen. John Cornyn (R-Texas), an ally of McConnell: “I know this is shocking to you, but some of it’s just posturing.”
“I don’t think we’re going to stay stuck forever,” Cornyn added. Still, he blamed Schumer and Pelosi for using an emergency as an “opportunity to spend money.”
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| © Susan Walsh/AP Photo Senate Minority Leader Sen. Chuck Schumer of N.Y., listens during a news conference on Capitol Hill in Washington, Tuesday, March 17, 2020. (AP Photo/Susan Walsh) |
It’s a tried and true tradition in politics for leaders to harangue the other side publicly while quietly working behind the scenes to clinch a bipartisan deal. But the institution is hindered by the interpersonal relationships — or lack thereof — between the four leaders.
For Pelosi and McConnell, there are still hard feelings over how the last round of coronavirus negotiations played out. Pelosi and McCarthy have a limited working relationship, while Schumer and McConnell are standoffish at the best of times.
That dynamic makes governing in ordinary times a challenge. But now, some lawmakers note, the consequences are literally life and death. While party leaders bicker, critical funds for small businesses, hospitals and state and local governments are running out.
“Mitch McConnell doesn’t talk to anybody on our side of the aisle,” fumed Sen. Jon Tester (D-Mont.). “This is a serious, serious problem. We’re in the middle of a pandemic … come on, man.”
“Why won’t [Pelosi] allow more money?” McCarthy asked reporters Thursday. “I cannot understand a scenario where you want to play politics with that. There’s no explanation. All they have to do is say ‘yes’ today.”
One of the biggest issues in the latest conflict is that Democrats contend McConnell moved forward on a bill to deliver more money for the Paycheck Protection Program established in the coronavirus rescue law without talking to Schumer first.
They say it’s just the latest example of McConnell’s unilateral approach during the pandemic.
“He did that not even trying to work with Leader Schumer whatsoever,” said Sen. Joe Manchin (D-W.Va.), who serves on Schumer’s leadership team but often breaks with his party. “My God. Chuck will talk to the wall. Chuck’s not hard to talk to. You might not agree with him, but he’ll talk to anybody.”
On the morning of April 7, McConnell sent out a news release announcing his plans to try to approve more money for the small business fund. McConnell’s office said the leader placed two phone calls and followed up with two emails to Schumer’s staff that day and that those entreaties were not returned. Democrats say those efforts came too late anyway and that McConnell had already made his decision publicly.
Sen. John Kennedy (R-La.) said if Schumer is offended “because he didn’t get a phone call soon enough from the majority leader, then I think the minority leader ought to fill out a hurt feelings report and let’s move on.
“I apologize on behalf of God and country. I apologize to him. Consider me sorry,” Kennedy said.
For Pelosi and McConnell, there are still hard feelings over how the last round of coronavirus negotiations played out. Pelosi and McCarthy have a limited working relationship, while Schumer and McConnell are standoffish at the best of times.
That dynamic makes governing in ordinary times a challenge. But now, some lawmakers note, the consequences are literally life and death. While party leaders bicker, critical funds for small businesses, hospitals and state and local governments are running out.
“Mitch McConnell doesn’t talk to anybody on our side of the aisle,” fumed Sen. Jon Tester (D-Mont.). “This is a serious, serious problem. We’re in the middle of a pandemic … come on, man.”
“Why won’t [Pelosi] allow more money?” McCarthy asked reporters Thursday. “I cannot understand a scenario where you want to play politics with that. There’s no explanation. All they have to do is say ‘yes’ today.”
One of the biggest issues in the latest conflict is that Democrats contend McConnell moved forward on a bill to deliver more money for the Paycheck Protection Program established in the coronavirus rescue law without talking to Schumer first.
They say it’s just the latest example of McConnell’s unilateral approach during the pandemic.
“He did that not even trying to work with Leader Schumer whatsoever,” said Sen. Joe Manchin (D-W.Va.), who serves on Schumer’s leadership team but often breaks with his party. “My God. Chuck will talk to the wall. Chuck’s not hard to talk to. You might not agree with him, but he’ll talk to anybody.”
On the morning of April 7, McConnell sent out a news release announcing his plans to try to approve more money for the small business fund. McConnell’s office said the leader placed two phone calls and followed up with two emails to Schumer’s staff that day and that those entreaties were not returned. Democrats say those efforts came too late anyway and that McConnell had already made his decision publicly.
Sen. John Kennedy (R-La.) said if Schumer is offended “because he didn’t get a phone call soon enough from the majority leader, then I think the minority leader ought to fill out a hurt feelings report and let’s move on.
“I apologize on behalf of God and country. I apologize to him. Consider me sorry,” Kennedy said.
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| © Samuel Corum/Getty Images WASHINGTON, DC - MARCH 04: House Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy (R-CA) leaves after a closed-door briefing from Vice President Mike Pence and Anthony Fauci, Director of the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases (NIAID), with Congressional Republicans on recent developments with the novel coronavirus, or COVID-19, on March 4, 2020 in Washington, DC. Fears that the spread of COVID-19 is increasing dramatically are on the rise as governments around the world rush to respond. (Photo by Samuel Corum/Getty Images) |
Democrats say they have no problem with the additional $250 billion to support small businesses but want to provide the same amount to hospitals and cash-strapped states. Republicans are balking and say any other aid should be addressed in a broader bill.
Pelosi, like McConnell, has adopted a hard-line approach at times during the coronavirus crisis. After a tense meeting between leaders ended without an agreement on the $2.2 trillion rescue package last month, Pelosi left McConnell’s office declaring plans to put out her own version instead — and days later did just that.
And when Pelosi wanted to establish a special House coronavirus oversight panel, she made the announcement without first talking to McCarthy — she called him, he didn’t answer — or even some senior Democrats, who found out as reporters tweeted the news.
When McCarthy and Pelosi did connect, he responded to her proposal by asking, "Why don't we just allow the attorney general to deal with that?" Pelosi was incredulous, according to a source familiar with the conversation.
Complicating matters is that the leaders are trying to govern by unanimous consent or voice vote in order to keep lawmakers away from the Capitol amid the pandemic. That means they need widespread cooperation from both parties and chambers — a whole new dynamic for the majoritarian House and a Senate where 60 votes usually rules the day. A single lawmaker can now completely upend leadership plans.
In one rare instance of unity, McCarthy and Pelosi teamed to quash an effort by Rep. Thomas Massie (R-Ky.) to force a recorded vote on the third rescue package that would have forced more than 400 lawmakers to return to Washington or else be recorded absent.
But cooperation had already begun to deteriorate as the size of the legislation got bigger and the stakes grew higher. During the earlier "Big Four" meeting in McConnell’s office, McCarthy tried to persuade Pelosi and Schumer to let a Senate GOP proposal advance while they kept hammering out a bipartisan agreement.
McCarthy asked for Democrats’ “trust” and argued that a similar process had essentially played out in the House on the previous bill, according to a GOP aide familiar with the meeting. Democrats balked, saying the policy and price tag differences between the two bills — the most recent one totaling more than $2 trillion — was "apples and oranges," according to a Democratic aide.
McCarthy’s appeals didn’t work: Senate Democrats blocked the procedural vote twice, demanding more oversight among other significant revisions. And Pelosi pushed ahead with her own bill, even though it never ended up receiving a vote.
McCarthy lashed Pelosi and the Democrats for not extending the same courtesy. “That’s the difference, if you want to compare the two of us right now,” McCarthy told reporters Thursday.
This week, Republicans piled on Pelosi — a frequent target — for the current impasse. The Trump campaign designated her “the ice queen” for showing off her ice cream stash in an apparently expensive freezer and GOP lawmakers accused Schumer of only holding up negotiations at her behest. But Democrats contend Republicans aren't operating in good faith.
“It can't be just Secretary Mnuchin sends down a request to Sen. McConnell and three days later he puts $250 billion on the floor without any further discussion and totally ignores other needs,” said House Majority Leader Steny Hoyer (D-Md.).
Relationships between Democrats and the president are even more strained. Trump and Pelosi haven’t spoken in months, since she walked out of a tense White House meeting after he called her a “third-rate politician,” and she jabbed him on Russia by saying, “All roads with you lead to Putin.”
It’s not much better between the two New Yorkers.
After Schumer sent Trump a letter pressing him to appoint a point-person to manage the ramp-up of health care supplies, the president responded by suggesting Schumer may lose his primary in 2022 and that Schumer is a “bad” senator for his state. According to Schumer’s office, Trump told Schumer he’d tried to prevent the letter from being sent.
The exchange prompted gasps from even Republican allies of the president.
“Every public official in the heat of anger writes a nasty letter,” said Sen. Lamar Alexander (R-Tenn.) [moved attribution]. “But Abraham Lincoln would put at the bottom of his: ‘unsigned, unsent’ and put it in his drawer. And Napoleon had a rule that he would wait for 30 days.”
Added Alexander, “Both the president and Sen. Schumer might learn a lesson from Lincoln and Napoleon.”
See more at POLITICO
Pelosi, like McConnell, has adopted a hard-line approach at times during the coronavirus crisis. After a tense meeting between leaders ended without an agreement on the $2.2 trillion rescue package last month, Pelosi left McConnell’s office declaring plans to put out her own version instead — and days later did just that.
And when Pelosi wanted to establish a special House coronavirus oversight panel, she made the announcement without first talking to McCarthy — she called him, he didn’t answer — or even some senior Democrats, who found out as reporters tweeted the news.
When McCarthy and Pelosi did connect, he responded to her proposal by asking, "Why don't we just allow the attorney general to deal with that?" Pelosi was incredulous, according to a source familiar with the conversation.
Complicating matters is that the leaders are trying to govern by unanimous consent or voice vote in order to keep lawmakers away from the Capitol amid the pandemic. That means they need widespread cooperation from both parties and chambers — a whole new dynamic for the majoritarian House and a Senate where 60 votes usually rules the day. A single lawmaker can now completely upend leadership plans.
In one rare instance of unity, McCarthy and Pelosi teamed to quash an effort by Rep. Thomas Massie (R-Ky.) to force a recorded vote on the third rescue package that would have forced more than 400 lawmakers to return to Washington or else be recorded absent.
But cooperation had already begun to deteriorate as the size of the legislation got bigger and the stakes grew higher. During the earlier "Big Four" meeting in McConnell’s office, McCarthy tried to persuade Pelosi and Schumer to let a Senate GOP proposal advance while they kept hammering out a bipartisan agreement.
McCarthy asked for Democrats’ “trust” and argued that a similar process had essentially played out in the House on the previous bill, according to a GOP aide familiar with the meeting. Democrats balked, saying the policy and price tag differences between the two bills — the most recent one totaling more than $2 trillion — was "apples and oranges," according to a Democratic aide.
McCarthy’s appeals didn’t work: Senate Democrats blocked the procedural vote twice, demanding more oversight among other significant revisions. And Pelosi pushed ahead with her own bill, even though it never ended up receiving a vote.
McCarthy lashed Pelosi and the Democrats for not extending the same courtesy. “That’s the difference, if you want to compare the two of us right now,” McCarthy told reporters Thursday.
This week, Republicans piled on Pelosi — a frequent target — for the current impasse. The Trump campaign designated her “the ice queen” for showing off her ice cream stash in an apparently expensive freezer and GOP lawmakers accused Schumer of only holding up negotiations at her behest. But Democrats contend Republicans aren't operating in good faith.
“It can't be just Secretary Mnuchin sends down a request to Sen. McConnell and three days later he puts $250 billion on the floor without any further discussion and totally ignores other needs,” said House Majority Leader Steny Hoyer (D-Md.).
Relationships between Democrats and the president are even more strained. Trump and Pelosi haven’t spoken in months, since she walked out of a tense White House meeting after he called her a “third-rate politician,” and she jabbed him on Russia by saying, “All roads with you lead to Putin.”
It’s not much better between the two New Yorkers.
After Schumer sent Trump a letter pressing him to appoint a point-person to manage the ramp-up of health care supplies, the president responded by suggesting Schumer may lose his primary in 2022 and that Schumer is a “bad” senator for his state. According to Schumer’s office, Trump told Schumer he’d tried to prevent the letter from being sent.
The exchange prompted gasps from even Republican allies of the president.
“Every public official in the heat of anger writes a nasty letter,” said Sen. Lamar Alexander (R-Tenn.) [moved attribution]. “But Abraham Lincoln would put at the bottom of his: ‘unsigned, unsent’ and put it in his drawer. And Napoleon had a rule that he would wait for 30 days.”
Added Alexander, “Both the president and Sen. Schumer might learn a lesson from Lincoln and Napoleon.”
See more at POLITICO
